Who are the Russians?

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Russian federation found itself facing the question of whether it was the successor and legitimate heir to the Soviet Union or to the Russian Empire, or whether it was a completely new state. Fierce disputes continue regarding the Russian national identity – who are Russians in the 21st century, what unites them and moves them forward in the same direction?

According to the neo-Soviet approach, mainly represented by the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF), modern Russia is “the Soviet Union without an ideology”. Its proponents advocate the restoration of the USSR in one form or another.

The majority of Russians consider Russia a multinational state in its current borders, a legal successor to both the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union. This slogan was proclaimed by President Putin and the United Russia party. There are no claims for territorial expansion but its own territory, including the non-Russian regions, is considered sacred and indivisible.

The third group of the population believes that Russia is a state for the Russians, that the imperial and Soviet past are equally tragic pages in Russia’s history that should be closed. What’s needed is a reunification of lands inhabited by Russians, including the Crimea, North Kazakhstan, and other areas. Conversely, it would be better for parts of the territory, primarily the North Caucasus and Chechnya in particular, to become independent.

The main challenge for the national identity of Russians is the right of natives from the labour-abundant republics of the North Caucasus and Central Asia to freely migrate (without loss of their language and faith) to the large metropolises and originally Russian regions. Although legally there are no obstacles to this process, it causes great tension and leads to the strengthening of Russian nationalist and extremist attitudes.

The territorial aspect of Russian identity: The unique historical feature of Russia as the largest state on earth has long become a matter of particular pride for Russians. Any territorial loss is taken very painfully.

The religious aspect: Today, over 80 percent of Russians call themselves Orthodox Christians. The Russian Orthodox Church has a semi-state status and wields notable influence on the politics in those spheres that are of significance to it. That said, the return of post-Communist Russia to orthodoxy is of a solely superficial, ritualistic nature. The prestige of the church has been shaken over the last two years. The unofficial taboo on criticising the church, which had been in place for the past two decades, has been lifted, and the liberal part of society has openly confronted the church.

The ideological aspect: Since the Middle Ages, Russian national self-consciousness was based on the idea of opposition to others, primarily to the west. The collapse of the USSR left Russians feeling like an ‘improper’ country, one which had long ago taken the ‘wrong road’ and was only now coming back to the global family of ‘proper’ nations.

But this inferiority complex is a heavy burden and Russians were glad to be rid of it as soon as the horrors of oligarchic capitalism and Nato intervention in Yugoslavia destroyed our illusions about the ‘brave new world’ of democracy and market economy. The image of the west as a role model had been completely discredited by the late 1990s. The rapid search for alternative models and values began with Putin’s rise to the presidency.

The social ideal of modern Russians can thus be described as follows: an independent and influential state that is respected in the world; a state that is highly developed economically, with high living standards and competitive science and industry; a multinational country, where the Russian people play a special role, but where the rights of people of other nationalities are respected and protected. It is a country with strong central authority, headed by a president with broad powers. It is a country ruled by law, and where all people are equal before the law.

At the same time, missing from Russia’s social ideal are such values as the importance of change of power on an alternative basis; the idea of opposition as the most important institution of the political system; the value of separation, even rivalry, between branches of power; the idea of parliament, parties and a representative democracy in general; the value of minorities’ rights, and human rights in general.

These are the most important challenges to the Russian identity, for which we should find solutions if we want to achieve our national goals: a decent life, social justice and respect towards Russia in the world.

The writer is director general, All-Russia Public Opinion Research Center (VTsIOM).