What remains sacred?

Spurning advice not to return to Pakistan and face a myriad number of legal problems, Musharraf successfully managed, by default, to put the army as a whole into the dock. Musharraf and his close aides, Lt-Gens Mahmood, Aziz, Usmani, etc committed an ‘offence against the state’ in Oct 1999. Condoned by the Supreme Court, it was still a violation of the constitution, which all soldiers take an oath to uphold and protect. Was this in good faith to save the country from impending chaos or a desperate measure meant to save their own necks because of the Kargil episode?

Like Kargil all the other corps commanders and principal staff officers (PSOs) at the GHQ knew nothing about Oct 12, 1999 till the coup actually took place. There was grudging support for Musharraf’s ‘fait accompli’ countering his sacking. Mian Nawaz Sharif sending Gen Jahangir Karamat home in October 1998 was not appreciated by the army rank and file. The abysmal state of the economy, corruption and bad governance, etc were used to justify the coup by Musharraf’s lot “as saviours of the nation”. Funnily enough, there were no street protests.

The irony is that the perception of rampant corruption was mostly because of the excesses of the previous PPP regime. Billions of rupees were taken as loans from the nationalised banks without proper collateral – with no intention of returning them. The National Accountability Bureau (NAB) initially did an excellent job targeting the corrupt. Unfortunately close associates of (then) NAB chairman Lt-Gen Muhammad Amjad, himself an honest person, enriched themselves by extorting money manipulating the awful practice of granting plea bargains.

NAB can regain its credibility targeting those living beyond their means, investigating these ‘patriots’ as well as the fabulous wealth of some of those who succeeded Amjad. Formed in 2002, Musharraf ‘King’s Party’ (the PML-Q) consisted of a whole bunch of politicians on the NAB-initiated Exit Control List.

Musharraf’s strong suit of accountability went up in flames with his enacting of the shameful instrument of disaster, the National Reconciliation Order (NRO) 2007. Negotiating the NRO in 2007 Musharraf’s advisers paved the way for the man most targeted by NAB for corruption to become the president of Pakistan. Thanks to filibustering by the SC, he lasted out his entire term.

Incidentally, what was Zardari’s quid pro quo reward for Musharraf’s ‘advisers’? For this indelible black mark on Pakistan’s history and illegal transfer of billions of US dollars abroad, they are as much culpable as Musharraf! It is pathetic to see the media trumpeting the nine diseases that affect Musharraf; most 70-year-olds have no less. Zardari spent years in hospital when in custody, and medically certified ‘dementia’ prevented him from appearing in Swiss courts and remembering our $60 million he secreted in Swiss banks.

Musharraf being tried in a civilian court for his actions as an army chief would set a bad precedent. If a former COAS can be so charged, what remains sacred? This would open a Pandora’s box. Every court in the land will go to town questioning those in uniform on frivolous issues. To preserve the sanctity of good military order and discipline, no country in the world permits this. On the other hand whoever that person may be, they must be held accountable for misusing the authority of their rank and position to make money and/or property for themselves, their relations and friends. They must be dealt with under the Pakistan Army Act.

One would not like to see Gen (r) Tariq Majid, full of bluster and arrogance, answer for Lal Masjid in a civilian court or for that matter the corps commanders of Lahore and Karachi in 2003 running amok in DHA’s real estate. Ghazi still makes a living promoting projects in DHA Karachi. The influence he parlays with former subordinates may be questionable yet it is his right as a civilian lobbyist. Kayani established precedence by instituting military enquiries against former general officers in the NLC Case and the Railways scam for their excesses while they were in uniform.

Flash forward to Musharraf’s forcible resignation as president in 2008 when he was given a graceful send-off from the presidency complete with a ceremonial guard of honour. Nobody batted an eyelash when he left the country a year later in 2009, living a life of leisure. His exit took place after an understanding with the PPP government, brokered by Kayani as the army chief.

There was a second part of that deal, ‘immunity’ under the 18th Amendment for all actions by Musharraf. PPP reneged on the second part of the agreement. Knowing that, why did Musharraf come back? Why did Kayani not insist that the PPP honour their agreement? Kayani was badly compromised by Asif Zardari making it a point to publicly enquire about his two brothers’ ‘welfare’.

By failing to ensure that PPP kept their bargain, Kayani left a ticking time-bomb for his successor. Incidentally (is he settling in Australia?) Kayani usurped the prerogative of the incoming COAS by shuffling favourites (and not so favoured) during his last 30 days; one prime appointment slot was not due for three months.

Hating the army and hated in turn by the entire rank and file, Zardari is extremely cautious when talking about those in uniform in public, putting discretion above valour. From time to time his venom surfaces. In contrast, Mian Nawaz Sharif and Imran Khan are generally very much liked by the armed forces; and for some unearthly reason they seem hell-bent on baiting the uniformed lot. Egging them on, mainly using Bilawal as a proxy, Zardari must be laughing himself sick at their naiveté.

It is not fair that the army chief, barely 45 days since taking over should be boxed into a corner for reasons not of his making, nor that of the present generation of the army rank and file. Our soldiers have given (and continue giving) great sacrifices in the ongoing counter-insurgency that they have mostly successfully tackled.

To get a sense of their commitment Mian Sahib should visit his soldiers in the combat area. Zardari was cautious enough to never dare visit any army unit as their Supreme Commander. Looking after the army’s discipline and conscious of the feelings of the rank and file while staying loyal to the constitution, Gen Raheel Sharif has to walk a tightrope. One would request Mian Nawaz Sharif and the courts not to put this soldier to such an acid test – damned if he will, damned if he won’t.

Musharraf will soon become a footnote to history – charge him under military law or put him on an aircraft now. This country has a great future if Mian Sahib leaves the army alone and concentrates on getting his economic act together, not letting non-issues distract from his effort. The democrats of this country should take another look at the polls which clearly indicate who the public trusts more. As Murphy’s law says: “If it ain’t broke don’t fix it”!

The writer is a defence and political analyst. Email:ikram.sehgal@wpplsms.com