This is all right

The pendulum of political ideology has not just moved from one end to the other in Pakistan. It has completely shifted its coordinates. It was not left-centre-right in the classical sense anyway in the past as Pakistan never was a modern, industrial society in the economic or social sense. But the pendulum did oscillate between left-of-centre, centre, right-of-centre, right, etc in political terms. Now it is oscillating between right wing, further right wing and ultra-right wing.

In terms of the economy, there is no viable alternative paradigm presented by any political force that matters even within the ambit of the market economy. They all agree on similar hues of neo-liberalism. Even the new claimants of an Islamic ideology, which according to them is the panacea for all our ills, have no such significant movement that draws inspiration for a just and egalitarian society from thinkers and political activists like Ali Shariati of Iran or Maulana Hasrat Mohani, Maulvi Barkatullah and Maulana Ubaidullah Sindhi in the case of the Subcontinent.

After the creation of Pakistan, we never really had that tradition. Unlike some other Muslim countries, Islamic parties in Pakistan never espoused ideals of equality and creating a classless society. The Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) was ostensibly pro-America during the Cold War, sans their differences with Gen Ayub for some time, and the Jamiat-e-Ulema-e-Islam (JUI) or Jamiat-e-Ulema-e-Pakistan (JUP) had no clear thinking on economic questions whatsoever.

Today if we take the example of modern banking, translating English terms into Arabic and twisting the savings and investment offers in ways that bring no less profit to the banks that operate these is called Islamic banking. To further make them look and sound Islamic, those publicising these products either sport a beard or wear a hijab. All these terms used by these banks – which now interestingly include some European and international banks as well – remind me of the time PTV started its Arabic news bulletin. Some women used to cover their heads when the newscaster would begin reading the news.

Perhaps the demise of the 20th century socialist model at the hands of formidable market forces from across the globe is not capitalism’s greatest victory. What international capitalism has done most successfully in this process is snatch away our ability to think of any viable alternatives. Pakistan is far behind other global economies and no one expects a fresh or alternative movement sprouting here. But we do not see major alternatives coming up in advanced or resource-rich economies either.

What we observe in countries defiant to US hegemony, whether they are in Latin America or Asia, is that these countries are more anti-imperialist and less anti-capitalist. They are more nationalist movements than socialist ones. Therefore, even if US control over world resources and markets decreases, it does not mean at all that the global market economy per se will be wound up. I am sure things will change in the future as human agency to bring about a change for better cannot be undermined forever.

However, the struggle currently being waged on the global centre stage is in the realm of political power to control markets and resources, preference of one social value system over the other, civil and political rights as enshrined in the relevant UN charters and to see more equality between nations as collectives (not between citizens as individuals belonging to different classes).

The struggle between establishing an open, inclusive, plural and rational society and continuing with primordial norms, exclusion, oppression and bigotry is happening within and across countries and continents, Europe and North America included. No country today can continue to be isolated from what is happening in the rest of the world.

But in some sense, Pakistan is unique. Most Arab or Muslim African countries had little tradition of a democratic polity, ideological debate and critical discourse. Pakistan was different; we are in South Asia with a different history and political culture. We have had strong social and political movements and dynamic rights struggles for labour, women and other marginalised groups. We have had ideological debates waged by political workers, a vibrant journalist community, writers, poets, artists and trade unionists.

There was a time when people who otherwise disagreed with each other on many political and national rights issues, all wanted a progressive, people-centred Pakistan. Their belief system was not threatened at all by asking for a socialist economic order or a liberal social order in the country. Imagine! They voted for the Awami League, the National Awami Party and the Pakistan People’s Party in 1970 – completely non-religious parties.

What happened after the 1970 elections has been discussed many times and is not the issue at hand. However, some major reasons behind Pakistan becoming what it has become today can be traced back to the military-led West Pakistani establishment not accepting the people’s mandate from East Pakistan resulting in the country’s dismemberment.

Coming back to the present time, at an ideational level Pakistan has visibly retrogressed and is fast turning into a conventionally non-inclusive, orthodox Muslim-majority society. The religious narrative developed and sustained for decades by our military establishment with the active and whole-hearted support of right-wing politicos and pseudo-thinkers, money pumped into our religious schools from our friends abroad, economic migration of a good part of the workforce to the Middle East (where imported cheese and chocolates in various forms are still preferred over any books or magazines), infesting our curriculum with irrational ideas and cleansing it from any objective lessons in history, being overly paranoid not only about India but also about the west, have all contributed to where we stand today.

Owing to the factors mentioned above, now we only witness an intra-right struggle in the mainstream political realm of Pakistan. The PML-N is clearly right wing, the PTI is further-right wing in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and right wing like the PML-N in Punjab. The JUI-F and the JI both fall in the category of further-right wing while militant outfits like the TTP or its allied groups and parties are ultra-right wing. Come to think of it, I also humbly disagree with our columnist and my fellow contributor to this newspaper, Ayaz Amir, who once said that the PML-N represents the classic right and the PTI is the corporate right. To me, it is the other way around.

The PML-N is more pragmatic and corporate in its understanding of the political and terrorism-related issues faced by the country. However, their right-wing credentials and the composition of their voting constituency constrained them from taking a clear position on issues like extremism and terrorism until now. The PTI, knowingly or unknowingly, behaves more like the classic right in the Pakistani context. Ideologically, the coalition with the JI in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa makes the PTI the popular front for fighting the JI’s causes.

When the JUI-F desperately wants to topple the provincial government but fails to find the PML-N on its side, I congratulate the JI for seizing the opportunity to rule Khyber Pakhtunkhwa in such a politically suave manner. The PTI’s confusions and inexperience as a party will make the Jamaat the ultimate beneficiary in this relationship.

Therefore, it will always be hard to find a resolve in the right wing and further-right wing to take on the ultra-right wing. The ideological underpinnings, if any, are the same. The TTP and its allies are not Bengali political activists or Baloch insurgents who had to be taught a lesson. If Pakistanis want Islam, the ultra-right just wants more of it.

How does it matter if people die in the tens of thousands in the process? This life is transitional anyway. People of the two northern provinces of the country, which constitute three-quarters of the total population, have voted for the rightist parties. If the pendulum has to move further, it will naturally move towards the ultra-right. So why worry? While the right wing wants to hold a dialogue with the ultra-right without spelling out what they actually want out of that dialogue, the ultra-right is at least clear in what they wish to see in Pakistan.

Email: harris.khalique@gmail.com

The writer is a poet and author based in Islamabad.