The revolution that never was

Revolution’ is an easy word to use. It is not quite so easy to define, and is used in many different ways. Sticking to political science, the term revolution has most often been described in textbooks as the violent overthrow of a government, usually to replace it with a different system.

Ideology has traditionally been a key factor in defining this, with the best-known revolutions in history marking also a change in ideological order – whether the revolution involves a sharp swing to the right, as in Iran in 1979, or the left as in Cuba, where five and a half years of struggle culminated in the takeover by the Fidel Castro-led government in January 1959.

What we are seeing in our country is not a revolution. It is a kind of mob madness, spurred on, yes, by leaders with their own agendas but also by the sheer frustration of people desperate for change. Yes, this desire for change also drives forward revolutions, but in this case it is unclear what kind of change was sought. Imran Khan’s angst over alleged electoral rigging does not truly mark anything with a revolutionary spirit. Yes, the judicial process is slow – painfully slow. But it was the lawful way to tackle a grievance.

As for Imran’s other talk of a ‘Naya Pakistan’, there has been little revelation from the PTI as to how it will be put in place, how the economic crisis will be sorted out or militancy tackled. True revolutions carry with them far more thinking, far more long-term planning and a clearer vision.

In this sense, at least at the start of things, the cape-clad Allama Tahirul Qadri may have projected a message with more ‘revolution’ woven into it, as he spoke of a ‘new order’ and an end to the existing system. However, beyond highly emotive rhetoric, which succeeded in reducing both the PAT leader and his followers to periodic floods of tears, we never quite learned how this changed order would come about or quite what it would consist of. And of course, as the days drifted by, the promised revolution diminished essentially to a search for revenge over the Model Town killings. Those killings do indeed require an investigation. But this does not constitute a revolution.

The word should not really come into play. What we have right now is a frenzied, maddened mob – possibly driven on now also by sheer boredom that nightly concerts cannot take away – let loose in Islamabad. It is unclear how much control the leaders now have over the hooligans who invaded PTV, the PM’s residence or turned the civil secretariat into a football ground. But whatever the truth behind the contradictory statements issued, it is clear the mobs were spurred on by the inflammatory statements of both leaders. Taking a crane into the Red Zone is hardly a peaceful act. Placing women and children in the front rows of a march is a dastardly one.

As PPP leader Aitzaz Ahsan said during his eloquent speech at the joint session of parliament, people can hardly be expected to be allowed to approach high security buildings with cutters and sticks and not be stopped. He was referring to Imran Khan’s comments about protests being permitted outside 10 Downing Street. The sitting has to a great extent demonstrated why democracy must be adhered to. Leaders have asked what would happen if other mobs, making demands against say, minorities, acted in the same way. They have said they will stand by the prime minister who cannot be forced to resign at gun point.

After weeks of babble it is good to hear sense being spoken. Democracy may be a highly flawed system. Its flaws have in fact been the subject of discussions since the times of Plato and Socrates, but nevertheless it is the best means we have available to run the state. The reality is also is that into modern parliamentary democracies systems have been built to legally oust the government which is seen as having done wrong, violated the constitution or lost the confidence of people. These means have been used in many nations. They certainly are an improvement over the attempt to use mobs to drive out an elected prime minister, while terming this a ‘revolution.’

For us the most important thing now is to find a way to restore order; to re-establish the writ of the state. The government has struggled to do so essentially because of its desire not to create the bloodbath that Tahirul Qadri in particular seems to seek and about which he has been talking for weeks. Additional complications have of course been created by statements from ISPR warning that force should not be used against protesters and dialogued used to establish peace. It is hard to know then what is to be done at crowds that pelt stones or use sticks to smash vehicles.

It is also obvious that supporters of PAT, and those who still remain with the PTI in Islamabad, appear to have no reservation about using violence on their own part. The fact that SSP Asmatullah Junejo now lies in a hospital with serious injuries to the head after being felled by a mob is evidence of this. The words spoken by Imran Khan not very long ago about his desire to ensure policemen were not hurt since they have families seem to have drifted very far away.

To add to all this we have the rather unpleasant story of conspiracy told by disgruntled PTI president Javed Hashmi. His claim that Imran had sat with the army and judges to make a Faustian deal which would remove the prime minister, lead to new elections and, at least in the eyes of the PTI chief, possibly bring him to that seat of power that he covets has complicated matters. If what Hashmi says is true, or at least partially true, it means this scenario cannot now be played out. The plot has already been given away. For this we must be thankful.

What seems most likely now is that the so-called revolution may simply fizzle out. There must after all be some limit to the amount of time that young men can be allowed to gather outside parliament shouting out slogans and pelting the vehicles of parliamentarians as they arrive. This state of anarchy has to be stopped. Eventually the police, or some other force, will need to be used to drive away the people who still remain in the red zone. Many have, sensibly enough, left on their own for home and to work.

The strong stance taken by parliament also sends out a powerful signal. Despite their differences most major parties stand united. They agree that the kind of dangerous precedent spoken of by Imran and Qadri can simply not be permitted. If this were to happen it would push our country into a very dangerous place and hand over power to dark forces which it appears have already been using it to try and destabilise an elected government through claims of rigging that are not yet backed by any solid fact.

If anything further is to happen these facts need to be put forward. It is pointless hailing some people as truth-sayers while condemning others as liars in the absence of any evidence going either way.

The writer is a freelance columnist and former newspaper editor Email: kamilahyat@hotmail.com