The picturesque Swat valley is still under the army’s control. Although businessmen are confident as the property market is stable, people are generally worried. They simply want an end to the army’s operation. Compared to my visit in 2012 to Kishwara, a village near Malam Jaba, where a lot of the buildings had been destroyed by both militants and the army, most have now been rebuilt. However, the militants’ houses bombed by the army still remind people that those who challenge the authority of the state will not be tolerated. No one dares to touch or rebuild these houses and the whereabouts of their families are also unknown. Though the army organises galas and festivals every year to show the positive face of the valley, imprints of the Taliban in places like Malam Jaba can still be felt.
Pakistani authorities have tried to remove any positive feelings associated with the reign of the princely state from the ‘hearts and minds’ of the people, who praise the pre-annexation period more as compared to the current Pakistani state. Swat was annexed in 1969 to Pakistan.
As a part of this strategy, buildings and installations associated with the previous rulers have been changed to look different from what they looked like previously – or have simply been destroyed. Recently Wadudiya High School, the first educational institution constructed under the previous rule in 1928 – in a good condition to the surprise of many – was destroyed. The army is busy in building bridges, schools and state installations destroyed in the war and floods with foreign funds especially those provided by the Arab Emirates. Building huge monuments, picnic points and schools with inscriptions of ‘gift from Pakistan Army’ is also part of the strategy to reiterate the presence of the new state.
However, thousands are still missing. Human rights organisations report the presence of mass graves and extrajudicial killings in ‘encounters’; and release of videos have forced the authorities to think about alternative methods. According to information two to four captive militants are found dead daily.
In Swat, everybody has a story – or conspiracy theory – of their own on the uprising. Even low ranking authorities are not exempt from this, and tell stories in which the agencies appear to be helping the uprising in one way or another. From such stories, one can conclude that the military was/is supporting the Taliban and attacking them at the same time! The echoes of conspiracy theories can be found in the writings of Asma Jahangir and historian and writer Dr Sultan-i-Rome. Initially my class analysis and opposition to the army’s Swat operation was criticised. But the situation is relatively different now and a number of academics are now using the same methods to analyse the conflict.
The authority of old dominant elites and civil authorities has been undermined by the militants to a large extent. A school teacher from Matta, a subdivision in upper Swat, told me in 2008 that it would take years to restore the hegemony of civil authorities again. The dominance of the old landed class is also history, and it is now time for a new social contract. The relative strength of militants vis-à-vis the other classes can be evaluated through the agreement with Sufi Muhammad and the aftermath of the operation. The new emerging middle class also organised itself in jirgas and councils to assert itself. Despite the fact that the old landed class has organised lashkars, its position is most vulnerable in the valley and can only be saved with the help of the army. These elites are selling their properties in Swat and purchasing houses in safer places like Islamabad. The Taliban had warned people not to purchase such properties since they would be confiscated once the Taliban gain power. Organisations such as the Swat Qaumi Jirga, representative of the new middle class – while supporting the army operation – are also critical of the military’s actions and brutalities.
Nationalist and reformist Islamists are in disarray. The emerging new middle classes are asserting themselves mainly through Amir Muqam and Imran Khan. Rising regionalism is being strengthened by the pattern of development that has been associated with the chief ministers of the province. Amir Haider Hoti concentrated on the development of his home town Mardan, while Akram Duranni allegedly spent a lot of funds on the development of Bannu. This creates alienation in Swat where first the MMA and then the ANP were given absolute majority in the polls.
The impact of the militant uprising on the social fabric of Swat is enormous and is only matched by the invasion of the Yousafzai tribes during the 16th century. The people of Swat have been betrayed time and again. They have been disappointed first by the reformist MMA, and then by nationalists and militants alike. They are equally suspicious about the role of the army. In a way what Robert Fisk said about the situation in Afghanistan holds equally true for Swat: “nobody supports the Taliban, but they hate the government’.
The writer is an independent researcher and activist. Email: sartaj2000@yaoo.com
Sartaj Khan, "Nobody supports the Taliban but…," The News. 2012-12-28.Keywords: