Jinnah’s ideals

The recent rediscovery of two audio recordings of Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s speeches, made in 1947, has once again restarted the debate about just what sort of vision the founder of the nation had for Pakistan.

At a time when the country is riddled with multiple crises, it is but normal for the nation to go back and examine the primary sources in order to figure out just what Mr Jinnah, whose 65th death anniversary is today, had in mind when he was talking about Pakistan.

There seem to be two very different dominant interpretations: one argues that Pakistan was dreamt up to be an exclusivist homeland for the subcontinent’s Muslims in the style of a neo-caliphate, while a diametrically opposed view says it was supposed to be a secular state with little space for religion.

Examining Mr Jinnah’s proclamation of Aug 11, 1947 as well as the newer discoveries, reveals something quite different, and much more moderate.

The Aug 11 speech has been oft-quoted, but seldom acted upon, especially in the corridors of power. Days before independence, Mr Jinnah laid down the broad contours of what direction the state would take — that belonging to any religion or creed was a personal matter and “nothing to do with the business of the state”.

Though many interpretations of the abovementioned speech have been offered, perhaps what Mr Jinnah was trying to do was issue an invitation to the disparate peoples of the newly formed Pakistan to come together and carry out a nation-building exercise. It was an inclusive message that set the tone for the state’s future relationship with citizens of different beliefs and religions.

As for the newly recovered speeches, one notices Mr Jinnah continues to discuss similar themes. For example in the speech delivered on Aug 14, 1947, the Quaid reiterates that “It will be our constant effort to work for the welfare and well-being of all the communities in Pakistan. …” In the same speech he cites examples from Islamic history which emphasise tolerance and coexistence with other beliefs.

Mr Jinnah’s commitment to democratic ideals is also highlighted in the June 3, 1947 speech, in which he backs the call for a referendum in the erstwhile North-West Frontier Province, through which the people of the region were to decide to stay with India or join Pakistan.

In short, these excerpts point towards a liberal, tolerant and constitutional basis for the state which Mr Jinnah desired. How far we have come from these lofty ideals is unfortunately clear for all to see. Today hardly anyone — Muslim or non-Muslim — is safe and one can assume that if the Quaid were alive, he would not be able to recognise the Pakistan of today.

Intolerance, corruption and lawlessness — all diseases Mr Jinnah warned about — are found in abundant quantity in Pakistan. Christians have been attacked and hounded through questionable laws while Hindus face discrimination. Ahmadis have been largely disenfranchised. Shias face the wrath of murderous non-state actors while Sunnis who disagree with the militant narrative are also not safe.

Mosques, imambargahs, temples and churches have all been desecrated, while the blood of the innocent is shed with abandon in streets, markets and squares.

While all these developments are indeed painful, perhaps one of the starkest instances of intolerance was the bombing (apparently carried out by Baloch separatists) of the Quaid-i-Azam residency in Ziarat in June this year. That was a direct attack on the great man himself and all that he stood for.

It is strange that while the nationalist militants attacked the majestic residency in Ziarat as a symbol of Jinnah’s Pakistan, religious militants have declared war on the constitutional, pluralistic vision Mr Jinnah had for this country. It can safely be said that extremists of all hues have decided they want nothing to do with the state envisioned by the Quaid.

Yet within the speeches of Mr Jinnah is a way out of the morass. After all, these were signposts to guide the leaders and the public of the newborn state. However, they remain as relevant today as they did in the run-up to independence.

While statesmanship of the level of Mr Jinnah would be too much to expect from the leaders of today, what can be done is for the managers of the state to practically reorient the country’s direction as per Mr Jinnah’s ideals. Tolerance, the rule of law and accountability are timeless principles that if pursued, can change the fate of the nation.

But pursuing these ideals should not remain confined to sentimental speeches, write-ups or rituals on Mr Jinnah’s death and birth anniversaries. What is required is for the state to come out of hibernation and address the issues that are adding to intolerance, bigotry and corruption. This includes taking action against the non-state actors who are ripping apart the national fabric.

There is still time to salvage matters and reject the dark, exclusivist vision the extremists are trying to stuff down our throats. The question is whether the state has what it takes to rebuild Jinnah’s Pakistan.

The writer is a member of staff. qasim.a.moini@gmail.com